小结

从鸦片战争到20世纪初,以鸦片烟为主的麻醉品问题虽然因遍及整个中国社会而成为举世瞩目的事件,但是,如果仅从这场发生在中国的民族性灾难角度出发,显然无法单独说明,为何在历史时针转向20世纪时不是其他的药物或诸如香烟、酒精等奢侈品被许多国家禁止使用,而是成瘾性麻醉品成为世界范围内的遭禁对象并伴随着国际性禁毒活动延至今日?一旦我们将视野转向同时期的西方社会则不难发现,虽然麻醉品问题发生的原因及过程与中国因鸦片问题所面临的主权危机有着本质性的区别,但是,麻醉品问题也始终伴随着西方社会的工业化发展,并且成为了一个困扰性的社会存在。事实证明,在鸦片被作为一种商品的时代里,除了那些经营鸦片的殖民国家与政府机构及一些个体外,作为世界最大的鸦片消费地,以中国为代表的远东各国受害之深自不待言,而作为供给方的西方殖民帝国,其国民同样也因缺乏控制以及对鸦片等成瘾性麻醉品知识的缺乏而深受成瘾性麻醉品之害。虽然反对滥用成瘾性麻醉品的活动早已存在于西方社会之中,类似的反麻醉品组织及其活动在19世纪却因受制于西方诸国之政府性的鸦片贸易行为而缺乏一个强有力的基础,因此,缺乏国际社会关注的世界性禁毒潮流也就难以形成一股真正的影响着国际社会的主流。但是,伴随着各国内外条件的成熟,鸦片问题,这一横贯东西方的共同问题,正好为20世纪初美国禁毒外交的开展以及现代国际禁毒运动的出现提供了必要的土壤。

任何事物的产生始终脱离不了它所处的历史背景。美国禁毒外交的出现自然也与其所面临的方方面面因素密切相关。

首先,美国现代毒品外交之所以兴起于20世纪初,与世界范围内包括美国本身所陷入的麻醉品社会问题不可分割。19世纪末20世纪初的世界,不但处于一个社会剧变的时期,而且也处于一个科学技术不断发展的历史阶段。麻醉品知识的丰富加深了人们对麻醉品危害的认识,形态虽异却是共存的东西方间的麻醉品成瘾性问题,使人们认识到了医用外的麻醉品使用隶属于道德上的罪恶。所以,推动这种非道义的鸦片贸易也就自然属于非道德行为的认识已然成为包括美英在内的东西方世界所共同持有的。这种对麻醉品特别是鸦片的非医学使用实施禁止的共识,在传教士们反对鸦片贸易运动中得以更加广泛的传播,从而构成了美国现代禁毒外交缘起的基本历史平台。

其次,本章之所以花费大量笔墨描述似乎关联颇远的一些历史事实,其主要目的在于梳理现代美国禁毒外交政策的渊源。如上所言,禁毒外交的兴起基于时代对于麻醉品的共同认识,但是,现代国际禁毒运动之所以由美国发起则是由美国独有的道德高度及其特殊的现实利益所驱动。如同美国外交政策所呈现的总是“理想主义”与现实利益之间交错反复的内容一样,作为美国外交构成内容之一的禁毒外交,其理想主义与现实主义也在源起时期就已交互存在。美国的“理想主义”外交并非一孤立现象,它是美国文化不可分割的部分。理解美国文化与美国外交之间的关系有助于理解美国禁毒外交的源起及其理念。尽管美国外交政策制定者们的“看似带有天真的想法,以为美国的理想与观点能够也必须解决世界上的全部问题”,[100]但是,美国禁毒外交的理想主义内容则保持着一个基本的前提:不可损害美国的国家利益。“不论是出于何种目的,也不论其理论有多崇高,任何牺牲美国国家利益的行为都应予以阻止。”[101]因此,无论是对美西战争的起因或性质的梳理,还是剖析菲律宾《报告书》的不同影响,本章的着力点依然是希望能从源头上对即将叙述的美国禁毒外交内容有一个清晰的观念。

注释


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[9]W. Dodd. The Factory System Illustrated (1842)[M]. p.149, cited in Thompson, E. P.. The Making of the English Working Class, New York: Vintage Books, 1963, p.328.

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[16]Steven B. Duke & Albert C. Gross. America's Longest War: Rethinking Our Tragic Crusade against Drugs[M]. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1993, pp.78-102.

[17]本文采纳的观点是《哈里森法》颁布前的19世纪末至20世纪初乃是美国毒品泛滥的第一个时期。——笔者按

[18]“医源性麻醉品成瘾者”指的是那些最初因疾病而接受医生的麻醉品处方并因此而致成瘾的人群;而“非医源性成瘾者”则指那些与疾病无关、以康乐性享用麻醉品为目的而成瘾的人群。——笔者按

[19]E. M. Brecher. Licit & Illicit Drugs[M]. Boston: Little Brown and Company, 1972, p.3.

[20]David T. Courtwright. Dark Paradise: A History of Opiate Addiction in America[M]. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 2001, p.9.

[21]David F. Musto. The American Disease[M]. New York: Oxford University Press, 1999, p.5.

[22]Stephen R. Kandall. Substance and the Shadow: A History of Women and Addiction in the United States[M]. New York: Harvard University Press, 1996. p.36.

[23]Hamilton Wright. Report on the International Opium Commission and on the Opium Problem as Seen within the United States and its Possessions, contained in Opium Problem: Message from the President of the United States, Senate Doc., No. 377, 61st Cong., 22nd Sess., 21 Feb., 1910, p.47.

[24]David F. Musto. The American Disease[M]. New York: Oxford University Press, 1991, p.20.

[25]Hubert S. Howe. “A Physician's Blueprint for the Management and Prevention of Narcotic Addiction”[J]. New York State Journal of Medicine 55, 1 February, 1955, pp.341-348.

[26]Virgil G. Eaton. “How the Opium Habit Is Acquired”[J]. Popular Science Monthly 33, 1888, p.666.

[27]Charles E. Terry and Mildred Pellens. The Opium Problem[M]. New York: Committee on Drug Addictions, Bureau of Social Hygiene, Inc., 1928, p.6.

[28]Charles E. Terry and Mildred Pellens. The Opium Problem[M]. New York: Committee on Drug Addictions, Bureau of Social Hygiene, Inc., 1928, p.6, p.18.

[29]Alonzo Calkins. Opium and the Opium Appetite[M]. Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1871, p.6.

[30]Charles B. Towns. “The Peril of the Drug Habit”[J]. Century Magazine 84, 1912, pp.580-587.

[31]Proceedings, American Pharmaceutical Association 13, 1865, p.51.

[32]Perry M. Lichtenstein. “‘Thirteen Years’ Observation on Drug Addiction at the Tombs Prison”[J]. Narcotic Education, ed. by H. S. Middlerniss, Proceedings of the First World Conference on Narcotic Education, 5-9 July, 1926, Philadelphia, Washinton, D. C., 1926, p.123.

[33]Annual Report of the State Board of Health, Massachusetts, 1871, p.7.

[34]D. M. R. Culbrith. Materia Medica and Pharmacology, 3rd Ed.(1903)[M]//Charles E. Terry and Mildred Pellense. The Opium Problem, New York: Committee on Drug Addictions, Bureau of Social Hygiene, Inc., 1928, p.7.

[35]“Opium Poppy Control Act of 1942”, Public Law 797, 77th Cong., approved 11 Dec. 1942.

[36]Doris Marie Provine. Unequal Under Law: Race in the War on Drugs[M]. Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 2007, pp.65-66.

[37]“The Opium Habit”[J]. Catholic World 33, September, 1881, p.829.

[38]“The Opium Habit”[J]. Catholic World 33, September 1881, p.828.

[39]本节参考了李庆余先生的《评述关于美西战争的两次论战》一文的部分内容,南京大学学报(哲学社会科学版),1986年第二期.

[40]胡立利,刘辉等.中国——世界最后一个超级大国,联合早报(电子版)[EB/OL][2010-6-5]http://www.zaobao.com/forum/pages2/forum_us.100.605a.shtml.

[41]缅因舰(Maine)是美国早期的大型战列舰。1898年2月15日,为保护美国在古巴的侨民而停泊在哈瓦那港外时突然发生爆炸沉没,造成二百多人死亡。美国以此为借口向西班牙宣战。爆炸原因至今还是一个谜。一说是由于燃煤导致舰内弹药库爆炸。——笔者按

[42]“Official Report of the Naval Court of Inquiry into the loss of the Battleship MAINE (Sampson Board)”, Spanamwar.com, 22 March 1898. (22 September 2010),参见http://www.spanamwar.com/mainerpt.htm。

[43]杨生茂等.美西战争资料选辑[M].北京:人民出版社,1981;李庆余.美西战争[M].北京:商务印书馆,1984.

[44]杨生茂等.美西战争资料选辑[M].北京:人民出版社,1981.

[45]李庆余.评述关于美西战争的两次论战[J].南京大学学报(哲学社会科学版),1986年第二期.

[46]Walter Millis. The Martial Spirit[M]. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1931, p.148.

[47]Marcus M. Wilkerson. Public Opinion and the Spanish-American War, a Study in War Propaganda[M]. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1932.

[48]Joseph Ezra Wisan. The Cuban as Reflected in the New York Press, 1895—1898[M]. New York: Columbia University Press, 1934.

[49]Julius W. Pratt. “The ‘Large Policy’ of 1898”[J]. The Mississippi Valley Historical Review, Sep. 1932, p.237.

[50]Julius W. Pratt. “American Business and the Spanish-American War”[J]. Hispanic American Historical Review xiv, 1934, p.164; also see, Julius W. Pratt. Expansionists of 1898[M]. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1936, pp.234-243.

[51]Julius W. Pratt. “The ‘Large Policy’ of 1898”[J]. The Mississippi Valley Historical Review, Sep., 1932, p.238.

[52]Julius W. Pratt. “The ‘Large Policy’ of 1898”[J]. The Mississippi Valley Historical Review, Sep., 1932, p.242.

[53]Philip S. Foner. The Anti-Imperialist Reader[M]. New York: Holmes and Meier Publishers, 1984, Vol. 1, Introduction, p.xxiii.

[54]H. Faulkner. American Eeconomic History[M]. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1938, 4th. Ed., p. 622, pp.624-625.

[55]Charles A. Beard. The Rise of American Civilization[M]. New York: Macmillan Co., 1927, Vol. 2, p.480.

[56][美]福克讷.《美国经济史》(下)[M].王锟译,许乃炯校,上海:商务印书馆,1964:260.

[57]William A. Williams. The Tragedy of American Diplomacy[M]. New York: W. W. Norton & Company, Inc., 1959, p.28.

[58]Walter LaFeber. The New Empire: Interpretation of American Expansion[M]. Ithaca, N. Y.: Cornell University Press, 1967, p.370.

[59]Walter LaFeber. The New Empire: Interpretation of American Expansion[M]. Ithaca, N. Y.: Cornell University Press, 1967, p.352.

[60]Thomas J. McCormick. China Market: America's Quest for Informal Empire, 1893—1901[M]. Chicago: Quadrangle, 1967, p.107.

[61]王晓德.美国文化与外交(修订版)[M].天津:天津教育出版社,2008:1.

[62]John P. Lovell. “The United States as Ally and Adversary in East Asia”[J].转载自王晓德.美国文化与外交(修订版),天津:天津教育出版社,2008:3.

[63]本节参考了日本学者笠原陽子『フイリピン·レポートと中国の禁煙運動』一文的部分内容,《人間文化論叢》第9巻,2006.

[64]“The World against Opium”[J]. The Chinese Students' Monthly, Vol. VI, No. 3, January, 1911;当时菲律宾总人口的7635426人中,华人人口为55000人。参见Report on the International Opium Commission and on the Opium Problem as Seen within the US and its Possessions, prepared by Hamilton Wright in U. S. Congress, Senate, 61st Congress, 2nd Session, Senate Document No.377, 1 January, 1910, p.26。

[65]Report on the International Opium Commission and on the Opium Problem as Seen within the US and its Possessions, prepared by Hamilton Wright in U. S. Congress, Senate, 61st Congress, 2nd Session, Senate Document No.377, 1 January, 1910, p.26, p.63.

[66]David F. Musto. The American Disease[M]. New York: Oxford University Press, 1999, pp.25-26.

[67]中野聡.フイリピン独立問題史[M].龍渓書舎,1997: 106.

[68]W. F. Craft. Memorandum Concerning Concerted International Restraint of the Traffic in Intoxicants and Opium among Aboriginal Races, a Pamphlet dated 22 Feb., 1907, p.2, p.7.

[69]David F. Musto. The American Disease[M]. New York: Oxford University Press, 1999, p.26.

[70]《菲律宾报告书》[EB/OL][3 Sep. 2010],全文可参阅http://www.drugtext.org/Philipine-Commissions/philippine-commision.html。

[71]Use of Opium and Traffic Therein, U. S. Congress, Senate, 59th Congress, 1st session, Senate Document No.265, p.20.

[72]Use of Opium and Traffic Therein, U. S. Congress, Senate, 59th Congress, 1st session, Senate Document No.265, p.59.

[73]调查团的各地采访及内容汇编[EB/OL].[3 Sep. 2010],全文可参阅http://www.drugtext.org/Philipine-Commissions/appendix-c-interviews.html;http://www.drugtext.org/Philipine-Commissions/proceedings.html.以下无特别注明的内容均出于此处。

[74]後藤晴美.アヘンとイギリス帝国[M].山川出版社,2005:14.

[75]Letter from Charles H. Brent to William H. Taft, 6 Feb., 1904. BP (Brent Papers), Container 6.

[76]The Report of the Committee Appointed by the Philippine Commission to Investigate the Use of Opium and the Traffic Terein ... Bureau of Insular Affairs, War Dept., 1905, pp.129-172; Arnold H. Taylor. American Diplomacy and the Narcotic Traffic, 1900—1939[M]. Durham, N. C.: Duke University Press, 1969, pp.31-45; P. D. Lowes. The Genesis of International Narcotics Control[M]. Geneva: Librairie, Droz, 1966, pp.102-106.

[77]“Uncle Sam is the Worst Drug Fiend in the World”[N]. New York Times, 12 March, 1911.

[78]Centenary Conference (ed.). Memorial on Opium 1907[M]. Shanghai: Methodist Publishing House, n. d., p.3.

[79]新村容子.アヘン貿易論争―イギリスと中国[M].汲古書院,2005:105.

[80]DuBose to Count Hayashi, October 16, 1907,日本外交資料館:2.9.923,转载自笠原陽子.フイリピン·レポートと中国の禁煙運動[J].人間文化論叢,第9巻,2006:148.

[81]The Friend of China, XXIV-6, July, 1906, London, p.92.

[82]笠原陽子.フイリピン·レポートと中国の禁煙運動[J].人間文化論叢,第9巻,2006:148.

[83]Parliamentary Debates, 4th Ser., Vol. 158, 30 May, 1906, pp.494-516.

[84]于恩德.中国禁烟法令变迁史[M].上海:中华书局,1934:118.

[85]Kathleen L. Lodwick. Crusaders against Opium: Protestant Missionaries in China, 1874—1917[M]. Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1996, p.36.

[86]新村容子.アヘン貿易論争―イギリスと中国[M].汲古書院,2005:107.

[87]Kathleen L. Lodwick. Crusaders against Opium: Protestant Missionaries in China, 1874—1917[M]. Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1996, p.97.

[88]J. T. Morgan to DuBose, 31 January, 1905 in The Anti-Opium League in China (ed.). Opium in the Orient: Report of the Philippine Commission, Shanghai: The North-China Office, n. d., p.1.

[89]Kathleen L. Lodwick. Crusaders against Opium: Protestant Missionaries in China, 1874—1917[M]. Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1996, p.115.

[90]Hampden C. DuBose. The Great Anti-Opium Year 1906—1907, Annual Report of the Anti-Opium League,n.d. p.1, p.3;于恩德.中国禁烟法令变迁史[M].上海:中华书局,1934:120.

[91]笠原陽子.フイリピン·レポートと中国の禁煙運動[J].人間文化論叢,第9巻,2006:148.

[92]有关中英禁烟协定缔结的详细经过可参照目黒克彦.清朝最末期における禁煙運動に関する覚書[J].愛知教育大学研究報告39(社会科学編),1990.

[93]Thomas J. McCormick. China Market: America's Quest for Informal Empire, 1893—1901[M]. Chicago: Quadrangle, 1967, p.107.

[94]约翰·海(John Milton Hay, 1838—1905),美国政治家,同时也是外交家、作家、记者。他曾是林肯总统的私人秘书及助理。其主要贡献是确立了对华的“门户开放政策”。——笔者按

[95]Yoneyuki Sugita. “The Rise of an American Principle in China: A Reinterpretation of the First Open Door Notes toward China”, in Richard Jensen, Jon Dabidann and Yoneyuki Sugita, eds.. Trans-Pacific Relations: America, Europe, and Asia in the Twentieth Century[M]. Westport: Greenwood Publishing Group, Inc., 2003, pp.3-20.

[96]门户开放政策的详细内容可参见英文版[EB/OL].[27 Sep. 2010]http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Open_Door_Policy#cite_note-0; http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Hay.

[97]David R. Bewley-Taylor. The United States and International Drug Control, 1909—1997[M]. New York: Continuum, 1999, p.18.

[98]Philippine Tariff Revision Act, 3 March, 1905, 33 States Laws, 944.

[99]W. W. Willoughby. Opium as an International Problem: The Geneva Conferences[M]. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1925, p.21.

[100]Ernest van den Haag. “The Business of American Foreign Policy”[J]. Foreign Affairs 63, Jan., 1985, p.113.

[101]Karl Von Vorys. American National Interest: Virtue and Power in Foreign Policy[M]. Westport, CT: Praeger, 1990, p.19.

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